Successful nation-states around the world have been built on the sacrifices made by their leaders.

In Nigeria, while many see political leadership as an opportunity for self-enrichment, a few exceptional individuals perceive it as a calling to make huge personal sacrifices. These kinds of sacrificial leaders, often at great personal risk, including the potential cost of their own lives, are wholly committed to improving the lives of the Nigerian people and working to ensure their present and future well-being.

Among the current political leaders in Nigeria, one figure presently stands out with distinction due to his unwavering dedication to the national cause for a better life and the well-being of the Nigerian people: He is Omoyele Sowore!

In a political landscape where the common practice among politicians and public servants is self-enrichment, albeit with some justification for self-preservation, it becomes morally reprehensible to prioritize personal gain at the expense of the public good. The rampant misappropriation of public resources for individual benefit despite its resulting pain, suffering, poverty, and even death for many Nigerians has become a persistent feature of Nigeria’s politics, much like in various other African nations.

When you survey the Nigerian political scene today, one must ask: which politician is truly willing to risk their life to improve the state of the nation? The answer is clear: none but Omoyele Sowore—the courageous heart!

Sowore has willingly relinquished the comforts of life to advocate fiercely for the Nigerian people. Rather than exploiting the popularity and socio-political capital he has gained as an activist for personal gain, he has vowed to endure state persecution, be it detention or even death, all in his quest for a better Nigeria. Instead of leveraging his respected status among government officials to negotiate wealth for himself, as many in his position would typically do, he has bravely called out corruption at the highest levels, fearlessly naming the officials he accuses of theft and misgovernance, even knowing the risks to his safety and that he could even be assassinated. He condemns human rights violations by the police and Nigerian authorities while simultaneously advocating for improved working conditions for the police and other law enforcement officers.

Currently, Sowore faces the deprivation of family life due to his commitment to the Nigerian dream of better leadership. On what should have been a joyful occasion, his marriage anniversary, he was unable to be with his beloved wife and children because of numerous unjust legal battles initiated against him by the Nigerian government. Did he really need to fiercely confront the Nigerian failing system in a manner that brings him such immense danger and discomfort to himself and his family? Only a person driven by a divine calling and the conviction that he is engaged in a “special assignment” to rescue Nigeria would do things Sowore presently does.

Few individuals in Nigeria’s history, such as Herbert Macaulay, Fela Anikulapo Kuti, Gani Fawehinmi, and Frank Ovie Kokori, have demonstrated the kind of sacrificial leadership Sowore presently exemplifies.

To address the current leadership crisis in Nigeria, the hope for improvement lies in the emergence of sacrificial leaders who are free from personal ambition. While figures like Sowore may now be few and feeble in the shadows of the might of rapacious state actors, the hope for a better Nigeria that he embodies, whether he lives or dies, remains mighty and strong. As we work and pray for a better Nigeria, let’s also pray for Omoyele Sowore!

Frank Tietie,

Nigerian lawyer, media personality, and development advocate writes from Abuja.

Yet again, Nepal is witnessing another historic movement; the days when decades happened. Thousands of protesters, mainly young people, took to the streets to protest against the ban on social media platforms by Prime Minister Sharma Oli. The ban on social media platforms like Facebook, TikTok, YouTube, etc., was imposed on September 4. For young people who have endured an existence of mass misery, joblessness, and hopelessness, the ban on social media platforms became the last straw to break the camel’s back. Anger began to boil against the administration of Sharma, and on Monday, September 8, this anger translated into a mass movement. In what has been tagged as a “Gen Z movement” by commentators and mainstream media, the protest involving tens of thousands broke out in several cities and towns of Nepal. Protests occurred across Nepal, from Kathmandu to Pokhara, Birgunj, Biratnagar, Bharatpur, and other cities, with significant turnouts.

REPRESSION RESISTED

The immediate response of the regime was heavy repression of the protest. Reports indicate that about 19 people were killed by security agents on the first day of the protest, while hundreds were injured, although there are indications that the death figure could be higher than 19. In the face of heavy repression, the protest took a different turn and grew stronger; they successfully resisted the repression. On September 9, not only was the ban on social media lifted, but Prime Minister Sharma Oli, who had planted the thorns that pierced him, resigned as Prime Minister. Sharma Oli, who had imposed a ban on social media against the people, was sent packing within two days of mass movement!

BEYOND THE BAN

Importantly, the ban on social media platforms was not the only fuel that drove mass anger against Sharma; in fact, it was merely a detonator of the anger. Since returning to power last year, Sharma had provoked the anger of the masses. Many of his acts of high-handedness generated mass anger, but he was never challenged on the streets. This gave him the overblown confidence that he and his cronies could continue to have their way. For instance, Sharma unleashed several attacks against NGOs and civil societies in Nepal, stiffened the civic space, used the CIIA (an anti-corruption agency) to witch-hunt his opponents, and appointed his cronies to key positions. Being among the ruling cabals became a license to a life of opulence. Together, they all lived happily while thousands of Nepalese citizens lived in misery. By estimation, over 20% of citizens live in extreme poverty. Youth unemployment as of 2024 stood at 20.84%, while over 700,000 youths yearly seek to work outside the country in search of greener pastures. The employment program initiated by Sharma this year successfully employed just about 3,300 out of over 800,000 who applied. This reflects the agonizing situation of the masses of Nepal and the background to the mass anger. These are the crimes of Sharma Oli that the Nepalese youth are determined to punish him for. But these are not just the crimes of Sharma; they are the inevitable reality attached to capitalism.
In 2006 Nepal witnessed a revolution which swept away the old powers, including the monarchy. The last King had attempted to impose direct rule in 2005, the resistance to this led to the revolutionary developments and, in 2008, an elected Constituent Assembly formally abolished the monarchy and declared Nepal a republic. Despite their mass support and heading different governments the rival Communist Parties, which politically are different variants of Maoism, either collaborated with the capitalists or effectively prevented a break with capitalism. This was because, unlike Lenin and the Bolsheviks in the 1917 Russian revolution, they did not have a clear socialist programme to offer workers, youth and the oppressed nationalities.
The result was that the capitalists were given room to regroup and Nepal, like other third-world countries, remained trapped in primitive production conditions and is unable to progress. For instance, a large part of the GDP, about 30%, comes from foreign remittances, while over 60% of production is in the agriculture sector. In fact, there is very little potential for youth to work without being confined to farmlands with hoes in their hands.

POWER AND FIRE

The mass movement continues, and the cities of Nepal are soaked in flames from burnt houses and properties of corrupt politicians. Power has left the walls of government buildings; it now resides with the mass of angry protesters. A video of the Hilton hotel, an abode for corrupt politicians to lavish money on merriment, circulated on social media; fire and flames had consumed it, burnt down by angry protesters. Many politicians have now abandoned their homes and fled. Without a Prime Minister, without the parliament, and with the flight of political officeholders, the institutions of repression—the police, law courts, and prisons—have become paralyzed. The police, without a “state” to be loyal to, are non-existent. The question is who will fill this vacuum?

YOUTH UPRISING: WHERE IS THE PLACE OF THE WORKING CLASS?

This is an era of youth-led mass movements, where young people are left with unanswered questions about why their lives remain a sad story of poverty and misery, and a future that grows bleaker daily. There has been a wave of youth mass movements in many African countries. This recent “Gen Z” uprising in Nepal, a country in Asia, shows how wide and fierce the fire of resistance can spread. In Kenya, the protest of the youth successfully forced the Ruto government to reverse the finance bill, though the regime doubled down on its repression of protesters. In Nigeria, the EndBadGovernance protests challenged the Tinubu government and the ruling class. Although unable to win a major concession, the movement showed that mass resistance against a despotic government is possible.
What is significantly missing in the recent uprising of youth is the power of the working class. The 2006 revolution saw workers’ general strike action. Today, although workers are sympathetic to these mass movements and sometimes even join at the barricade, the question of workers’ power is not merely in sympathy with a mass movement or in the direct participation of one or two members or even a thousand workers. The power of the working class in a mass movement lies, as Leon Trotsky would put it: “The force of mass movements lies not in their numbers, but in the transformation of the workers’ consciousness, in their ability to act as a class.” And in all of the youth mass movements, this consciousness of the working class—the ability of the workers to act as a class—is apparently missing. However, this is not because workers are not prepared to struggle or challenge dictatorial capitalist regimes; it lies in the failure of leadership. Indeed, “The historic crisis of mankind is reduced to the crisis of the revolutionary leadership.”

A PROGRAMME FOR SOCIALIST REVOLUTION IN NEPAL

Today in Nepal, a revolutionary situation exists. How far this can go depends on many factors. But for the uprising to transform into a socialist revolution, the key forces of the working class and the peasants must enter the arena of this movement. The movement must move forward, from a movement of youth to a movement of the entire oppressed class.
Power in Nepal is dangling in the air. If the revolutionaries are not organized to take it, the counter-revolutionaries will. Therefore, this movement can only take two steps forward into a socialist revolution or retreat into a loss. The existence of a revolutionary party of the oppressed, capable of unifying the oppressed forces under one single banner, capable of leading the onslaught against capitalism—a party with clear ideas of socialism and concretely how to achieve it—is essential. Sadly, this important feature is non-existent. If the people don’t take power, it will be taken from them; power cannot dangle in the air for long.
In this regard, without an organization of the oppressed, armed with clear ideas of scientific socialism, with great experience in struggle and ready to lead the onslaught, the struggle for socialism in the present uprising in Nepal faces an impediment.

A SOCIALIST REVOLUTION IS POSSIBLE

The struggle in Nepal has shown with absolute clarity that the conditions for the development of revolutionary situations exist. It is not yet an end of history, as defenders of capitalism would want the people to believe. Whichever way the ongoing movement in Nepal finds itself, it has successfully ignited discussions on revolutionary and socialism around the world. The ruling class of the world are once again reminded that each of them sits on ticking time bomb. The development of humanity, a complete shift from capitalism is possible. The genuine forces of socialism also have a great role to play in the unfolding situation globally. The role of uniting the forces of oppressed and organizing the anger of the people falls more on socialist revolutionaries especially in a period of lack of militant working class leadership.

adaramoyemicheal@gmail.com

Nigeria has been long regarded as one of Africa’s economic powerhouses, faces mounting security challenges that continue to undermine its stability and development. From terrorism and banditry to abductions for ransom, insecurity has deeply affected the nation’s economy and the daily lives of its citizens.

However, northern region remains the epicenter of violence, with Boko Haram and bandit groups disrupting communities and forcing businesses to shut down operations. Fear and instability have driven investors and companies away, leaving many areas economically paralyzed. Banditry has also created a pervasive climate of fear, halting commercial activities and worsening poverty in affected regions.

In recent years, kidnapping for ransom has surged nationwide. In 2025 alone, police recorded over a thousand abduction cases. Victims cut across all social classes and tribes, deepening a sense of vulnerability among Nigerians. Mrs. Adetomiwa, who narrowly escaped captivity along the Lagos-Ibadan expressway, recounted being abducted, starved, and threatened until her captors demanded ₦10 million for her release.

The rise in insecurity has forced businesses to close, reduced interstate travel, hindered the movement of goods, and scared off foreign investors. Funds that should support infrastructure and development are instead diverted toward fighting insecurity, limiting Nigeria’s economic progress.

To address the crisis, experts recommend establishing an efficient intelligence network that enhances collaboration among security agencies, leverages technology, and strengthens international partnerships. Equally important is the expansion of community policing, particularly in rural areas where government presence is weak. Empowering local communities to work with law enforcement can help prevent crime and track offenders.

Tackling unemployment is also vital, as economic frustration fuels instability. With many educated graduates idle, providing jobs would reduce the pool of recruits for criminal networks. Additionally, swift prosecution and stronger investigative systems are needed to ensure terrorists, kidnappers, and bandits face justice.

Nigeria’s insecurity is more than a threat to lives and property—it is a barrier to economic growth and national development. Strengthening security infrastructure, creating jobs, and fostering community-police collaboration are essential steps toward restoring stability and investor confidence.

I support the cancelation of graduation ceremony for creche, nursery & JSS 3 pupils. But I think “graduation ceremony” should be allowed moderately for Basic V1 pupils since it is the end of primary school education for pupils which needs to be marked with short drama presentation, valedictory songs & light entertainment like during our own time without any expensive feferity. School proprietors are only using this expensive joke of meaningless graduations to exploit patents & guardians.

If care is not taken, we may start having matriculation ceremonies organised for creche, nursery one and basic one children too. It’s just for one proprietor to start, publicize it and others will follow immediately for financial benefit without restraint. At least there must be a slight difference between schools and markets like Oyingbo or Gbagi market in the ways they make their profits even though all are business centres.

I hope we won’t start having private hospitals joining the trend by organizing graduation ceremony from womb to the world for new born babies too. And graduation ceremony for corpses in mortuary for their final transition- graduation to the sky heaven.

We are just too exploitative ceremonial as a people. We can see how the Alaga Iduro and Alaga Ijoko (engagement ceremony conductor) have also turned simple family engagement ceremony into an expensive long Nollywood movie premiere, at times to the annoyance of many for their time wasting & over monitisation because engagement is no more the focus but their own maximum profit.

It is the same style with kurukere kurukere religious programs like harvest, fidau and wolimot lasting for too long. No reasonable angel/ malaikah will waste his/her time attending a program which should not be more than 2hrs for 6hrs because the clerics are desperate to make maximum profits.

Adeola Soetan
08037207856

I have watched, with deep concern, how the lines between journalism and broadcasting are being carelessly blurred in Ibadan. As someone who has devoted years to the practice of investigative journalism, I cannot stay silent while many On-Air Personalities (OAPs) parade themselves as journalists simply because they hold a microphone or sit in a studio.

Let me state it plainly: a journalist is trained to gather, verify, analyse, and report facts. My work as a journalist begins long before I speak into a microphone. It takes research, interviews, documents, and a constant weighing of truth against falsehood. That is what journalism is – service to the public through truth.
A broadcaster, on the other hand, is a presenter. He or she may read news, play music, anchor programs, or entertain listeners. Broadcasting is about delivery. Journalism is about content. Both are important, but they are not the same.

The problem in Ibadan today is that many presenters who specialise in banter, slang, and social media virality now call themselves “journalists.” They are not. I say this with all sense of responsibility: if you have not gone through the rigours of news gathering, fact-checking, and ethical reporting, then you are not a journalist. You are a broadcaster, and there is dignity in that role.

What worries me most is the damage this confusion causes. When broadcasters misrepresent themselves as journalists, the public begins to doubt the credibility of real journalism. Sensationalism takes the place of facts. Noise replaces truth. And the noble profession I belong to is dragged into ridicule.

I am not against broadcasters. I work with them daily, and I respect their craft. But they must respect mine too. A journalist digs out the story; a broadcaster delivers it. Neither should wear the other’s title without merit.

If Ibadan wants to retain its reputation as Nigeria’s media hub, it must correct this error. Broadcasters should embrace their role proudly, and those who desire to be journalists must get the training and discipline the profession demands.

I owe it to my profession – and to the public that depends on it – to keep saying this: a broadcaster is not automatically a journalist. The earlier Ibadan’s media practitioners accept this truth, the better for us all.

While Nigerians are still grappling with the effects of Tinubu’s capitalist policies, the Federal Government is reportedly considering increasing politicians’ already jumbo pay.

This is also coming at a time when the USA stated that the value of the N70,000 has become useless due to the fall in the Naira. However, we don’t need the USA to tell us what we already know.

Recall that immediately after Tinubu came to power, he imposed hardship on the people by removing the fuel subsidy, increasing taxes, introducing bank charges, hiking school fees, devaluing the naira, increasing the electricity bill, and increasing stamp and import duties.

While all these draconian policies have generated a lot of revenue for the government, they have no direct impact on the people. Instead, they have pushed many people further into poverty; the high cost of living crisis is nothing to write home about. Many people have become frustrated and turned to beggars.

In the midst of all this, the only thing the government is considering is increasing the jumbo salaries of politicians who do little or nothing to contribute to the country’s economy, while the real drivers of the economy, the workers, are being given a take-home pay that can’t even take them to the bus stop.

It is pathetic that while the government preaches to citizens to tighten their belts, politicians loosen theirs.

This is a Clarion call for all workers and people of Nigeria to stand up and come together to end this system of “Monkey dey work, bamboo dey chop”. The workers can be likened to Monkey while the politicians can be likened to Bamboo. We cannot continue to allow the Bam*boos to feed on our sweat and commonwealth. It is a well-known fact that the average salary of a lawmaker is N20 million, while the workers are still grappling with a N70,000 minimum wage.

I’m calling on all oppressed Nigerians to come together and end this system of exploitation (capitalism) in replacement of social equality (socialism).

Capitalism prioritises profits over the welfare of the people. We can’t continue to feed the rich at the expense of the poor. Let’s demand a total system change now.

Oluwatosin Adeyemi (advocate of a socialist revolution)

I struggle to believe that Taribo West is unaware that he and his peers belong to a tiny, privileged circle of Nigerians who enjoyed rewards far beyond the reach of the average citizen. Football, for those who rise to the top, is one of the most lucrative careers on earth. It’s a profession whose returns ordinary Nigerians can only dream about. To then expect such individuals to become government-sponsored charity cases, pampered in ways that soldiers risking their lives for the country are not, is unreasonable and insulting.

West’s claim of neglect on behalf of the late Peter Rufai’s family is less a critique of government than an indictment of himself and his fellow footballers. They belong to the same social network and had every means to shoulder the cost of their colleague’s funeral and even extend long-term support to his family. How much, really, does it cost to organise a decent burial? This is an expense that three players from the USA ’94 or France ’98 squads could cover. That he would pass this responsibility to the government, while everyday Nigerians scrape for survival, only betrays his self-centredness and detachment from reality.

When the former English footballer Wes Brown declared bankrupt, it was his teammates, especially from Manchester United, who came to his aid. Wayne Rooney and Michael Carrick offered their support, while a younger Marcus Rashford allowed him to stay in one of his properties at a reduced rate. Similarly, when Dani Alves’s life unravelled after his conviction for rape, Lionel Messi quietly covered his bills and legal expenses. This is the privilege of belonging to such a fraternity of wealth, where colleagues are affluent enough to buy islands, yet grounded enough to stand by each other.

Few careers provide a safety net as rich as that of footballers. Peter Rufai represented Nigeria admirably on the global stage, but he was also compensated in ways that doctors, teachers, and military officers could never dream of. Footballers are further privileged by their celebrity status, which gives them opportunities to expand their wealth into business, endorsements, and investments, even years after leaving office.

Only a few weeks ago, the federal government awarded the Super Falcons and D’Tigress players one hundred thousand dollars each, along with houses in Abuja, for their victories. For the average Nigerian, such a windfall would alter the trajectory of their lives forever. Yet, with the mindset Taribo West projects in his trending interview, one could still return years later seeking another bailout. No nation under the sun pays for the wealth management problems of its star athletes.